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National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine; Health and Medicine Division; Board on Population Health and Public Health Practice; Committee on the Review of Federal Policies that Contribute to Racial and Ethnic Health Inequities; Geller AB, Polsky DE, Burke SP, editors. Federal Policy to Advance Racial, Ethnic, and Tribal Health Equity. Washington (DC): National Academies Press (US); 2023 Jul 27.
Federal Policy to Advance Racial, Ethnic, and Tribal Health Equity.
Show detailsThe places where people live, work, learn, play, age, and pray can have significant effects on individual and community health outcomes. This includes, for example, homes, schools, workplaces, places of worship, grocery stores, transportation infrastructure, green spaces, and playgrounds. Each of these environments affects the availability, accessibility, affordability, placement, and condition of the goods and services that enable communities to live and thrive. This chapter reviews the ways that federal policies related to the built environment contribute to or help alleviate racial, ethnic, and tribal health inequities. The chapter examines underlying issues around four key themes within the neighborhood and built environment domain:
- 1.
Housing insecurity and segregation (redlining, housing on American Indian and Alaska Native [AIAN] reservations and Native Hawaiian homelands, and federal rental assistance);
- 2.
Disinvestment in infrastructure and the built environment (policies related to water, transportation, and aging and green infrastructure);
- 3.
Environmental exposures that threaten health and well-being, particularly in the workplace (the Worker Protection Standard [WPS] and exposure to pesticides); and
- 4.
Food access and production (the Farm Bill and Food Distribution Program on Indian Reservations).
Examples throughout the chapter illustrate the role that federal policies play in creating or mitigating inequities within neighborhoods and built environments; such inequities require solutions that account for different needs in rural, tribal, and urban areas. A comprehensive approach is necessary because many of these problems are pervasive and overlapping. For instance, historical housing discrimination and redlining (and, conversely, “greenlining”) caused inequities that continue today, including reduced homeownership and reduced access to affordable housing for many racially and ethnically minoritized populations (see the section later in this chapter and Chapter 3 for more information on redlining). Discrimination leads to segregation, which is made worse by disinvestment in low-income communities (Banaji et al., 2021; NASEM, 2017; Ray et al., 2021; Solomon et al., 2019; Turner and Greene, n.d.; Williams and Collins, 2001). Social and economic segregation can have negative effects on housing quality, location, surrounding resources, including food and green spaces, and ability to build wealth (NASEM, 2017; Ray et al., 2021; Williams and Collins, 2001). Exposure to toxic pollutants in the air, soil, and water are more common in areas with a heavier concentration of racially and ethnically minoritized populations and made worse by inadequate and degrading infrastructure in segregated and disinvested neighborhoods. As discussed in Chapter 1, this and other report chapters could not cover all relevant topics and federal policies (see Chapter 1 for the committee's policy selection process). Rather, the committee reviewed a range of topics to illustrate how federal policies—historical and current—have impacted racial, ethnic, and tribal inequities.
STRUCTURED INSECURITY: HOUSING SEGREGATION AND DISPLACEMENT
Having a safe, high-quality, and affordable place to live is an important component of a healthy life. This section reviews how housing conditions, locations, and federal underinvestment have increased racial, ethnic, and tribal health inequities and describes an effective federal-level intervention to help more people and families afford homes and improve well-being of adults and children alike. Housing location and neighborhood conditions also affect health, from factors such as multiresidence housing and housing density, to neighborhood violence and crime, to walkability and accessibility of green spaces, and proximity to supermarkets, public transportation options, and other integral community resources (NASEM, 2017).
On average, Americans spend more than 90 percent of their time indoors, in environments from schools to offices to homes (EPA, 2021). Physical conditions of housing, including home structure and design, can affect health through inadequate ventilation, lack of air conditioning or heating, and the infiltration of air pollution and noise. Biological and chemical factors, such as mold, allergens (e.g., dust mites), pests, lead, radon, and carbon monoxide, also affect health (NASEM, 2017, 2019b; Taylor, 2018). For example, mold and allergens can exacerbate asthma and other respiratory symptoms (CDC, 2022a; CDC and HUD, 2006; IOM, 2004). Insect and rodent pests can aggravate respiratory conditions and introduce other health risks (CDC and HUD, 2006). Radon exposure causes lung cancer. In homes with a lack of adequate ventilation, carbon monoxide can accumulate and cause fatalities. Particulate matter exacerbates respiratory and cardiovascular conditions (EPA, 2022b). Conditions of homes and surrounding areas were also associated with COVID-19 incidence and mortality, including factors such as lack of access to adequate plumbing, crowding, inadequate air circulation, air pollution, and lack of access to parks and health care services (Ahmad et al., 2020; Frumkin, 2021; Rollston and Galea, 2020). For each of these harmful living conditions, research has shown that low-income and racialized groups are disproportionately exposed (Hanna-Attisha et al., 2016; Jacobs, 2011; Tessum et al., 2021). Consideration of structure durability, efficiency, long-term maintenance, and reinvestment in home design and construction are also important factors (Department of Energy, n.d.; Gibson, 2017; Newport Partners and ARES Consulting, 2015).
Household lead is a particular issue for children. Exposure to this neurotoxin from old paint and water infrastructure slows child growth and development and damages the brain and central nervous system, influencing learning and academic achievement, behavior and attention span, hearing, and speech (CDC, 2022c). Lead poisoning prevention policies, such as the bans on lead in paint (in 1978), gasoline, and canned food and the federal Residential Lead-Based Paint Hazard Reduction Act of 1992,1 are public health successes and have drastically reduced childhood lead exposure (NASEM, 2019b; Weitzman et al., 2013). However, lead poisoning continues to disproportionately affect racially and ethnically minoritized children, children from low-income families, and those living in older housing (CDC, 2021; Hanna-Attisha et al., 2016; Jacobs, 2011; Weitzman et al., 2013). The Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) is responsible for identifying lead paint hazards in HUD-assisted housing but has not completed a comprehensive evaluation of the Project-Based Rental Assistance Program to distinguish properties presenting the greatest risk to children under age 6 (GAO, 2020). According to the Government Accountability Office, about one in five such properties have at least one building from 1978 or earlier and are home to more than 138,000 children under age 6 (GAO, 2020); similarly, approximately 229,000 children under age 6 in HUD's voucher program live in units built before 1978 (GAO, 2021). Remediating lead paint is part of the Biden-Harris Lead Pipe and Paint Action Plan (The White House, 2021). Additionally, in 2023, HUD announced $165 million in grant opportunities for public housing agencies to evaluate and mitigate lead-based paint, among other threats to residents' health; additional grant money is available for state and local governments to reduce lead-based paint hazards in privately owned housing (HUD, 2023).
Segregation and Health
Redlining
The disparity in access to and quality of U.S. homes has been exacerbated by federal policies—past and present—that segregate neighborhoods, exposing specific communities to precarious health outcomes. For example, although redlining, an explicitly racist mortgage lending policy of the federal government from the 1930s to the 1960s, is now unlawful,2 its legacy of structural racism is still observable today in patterns of neighborhood disinvestment and residential segregation by race and consequent effects on other social determinants of health (SDOH), such as intergenerational wealth accumulation (Bailey et al., 2017; Barber et al., 2022; Braveman et al., 2022; Williams et al., 2019). Differences in home values and ownership and credit scores by race and ethnicity endure in formerly redlined areas (Braveman et al., 2022). Furthermore, residential segregation is associated with increased rates of homicides and other crimes in disinvested Black and Latino/a neighborhoods, which then reinforce racialized punitive policing and community depletion (Bailey et al., 2017). Redlining and the norms, policies, and structures that sustained it also continue to adversely affect the natural environment and human health in the selective placement of mobile and stationary pollution sources, such as roads and traffic, rail lines, ports, and industrial facilities (Bailey et al., 2017). For example, studies have found historically redlined neighborhoods are consistently associated with modern air pollution levels (NO2 and PM2.5) (Lane et al., 2022) and with higher flood risk (Conzelmann et al., 2023; Katz, 2021). Additionally, a 2020 study of 108 U.S. cities found that a lack of tree canopy and extensive infrastructure amplified temperatures in historically redlined areas, such as parts of Denver, Colorado; Minneapolis, Minnesota; and Portland, Oregon (Hoffman et al., 2020). Redlining is associated with other negative health outcomes as well (Jadow et al., 2023; Lee et al., 2022). A meta-analysis and systematic review found the odds of a preterm birth were 41 percent higher in a historically redlined neighborhood than in a nonredlined neighborhood (95 percent CI: 1.05–1.88, p = 0.02) (Lee et al., 2022). Researchers found other health outcomes, such as gunshot injuries, heat-related illness, and multiple chronic conditions, including asthma and some cancers, were also associated with living in a historically redlined neighborhood (Lee et al., 2022). More recent research has shown that historic redlining practices continue to produce unhealthy food access options for low-income and racialized neighborhoods (Shaker et al., 2022).
Homeownership plays a significant role in wealth generation. As a system, redlining produced disinvested Black neighborhoods by denying access to credit while valuing and directing investment to White neighborhoods, which increased in appraisal value and concentrated wealth (“greenlining”) (Aaronson et al., 2021; Domonoske, 2016; Faber, 2020; Howell, 2006; Perry and Harshbarger, 2019; Rothstein, 2017; Szto, 2013). The systematic advantaging of high-income, predominately White communities continues in policies and practices by public and private actors, including through gentrification patterns that see an influx of residents with higher socioeconomic status in neighborhoods after reinvestment and development, usually accompanied by higher home values and rents. Although gentrification can provide economic benefits and improved neighborhood conditions, it can also displace the incumbent neighborhood residents and businesses; there is a role for government to reduce these risks (Dorazio, 2022; Hwang and Ding, 2020; Levy et al., 2006; NASEM, 2017; O'Regan, 2016; Rothstein, 2017; Smith et al., 2020; Zuk et al., 2015; Zuliaga, 2019). For example, gentrification is associated with more economic change in formerly redlined neighborhoods and also greater city-level economic inequality (Mitchell and Franco, 2018). See Chapter 3 for more information on wealth and homeownership and the connection to health.
Displacement and Health: Housing for American Indian and Alaska Native and Native Hawaiian People
Federally mandated and supported segregation and displacement have been uniquely harmful to AIAN individuals. Federal government actions encouraging settler colonialism through, in part, forcible removal of AIAN people from their traditional, ancestral lands caused intergenerational physical, spiritual, mental, emotional, economic, and environmental harms, including death and population loss (Hoss, 2019; NASEM, 2017). The United States has had five major federal Indian policy periods spanning from the early 1800s to the present day (see Chapter 2 for more information). The first of these was Removal and Reservation (1830–1886). The goal was to remove American Indians from their lands, starting on the east coast as more Europeans arrived. President Andrew Jackson used the Removal Act3 to buy lands in the west to remain under federal trust to move American Indians away from the European settlers. These became known as “reserved lands” or “reservations.” Today, 326 areas are held in reserve and 574 tribes are federally recognized (BIA, 2017; Schwartz, 2023). Some tribes have no reserved lands, and multiple tribes are sometimes assigned to the same land (Fitzpatrick, 2021). A study estimated the effects of this dispossession and found present-day land density and spread has been reduced almost 99 percent (Farrell et al., 2021). These predominantly rural reservations frequently have fewer resources and are far from the tribes' native lands, often undesirable and unfarmable, and in environments now more at risk for climate change hazards (Farrell et al., 2021; Maillacheruvu, 2022; Nikolaus et al., 2022). The built environment is often still lacking or subpar. These past federal policies affect contemporary SDOH for these populations, including the neighborhood and built environment (Miletić et al., 2022; NASEM, 2017; U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 2018).
For example, housing is often inadequate and substandard, leaving portions of the trust obligation unfulfilled (NCAI, 2021; Pindus et al., 2017; U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 2018). Reservations have both a lack of affordable housing and pervasive poor conditions within the existing housing stock (U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 2018). As a report from the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights concluded, this is tied to inadequate federal funding for programs meant for AIAN people across the government (U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 2018). This is echoed by the National Congress of American Indians, which finds that 40 percent of reservation housing is inadequate (NCAI, n.d.). Housing conditions vary regionally, but overcrowding is more common than among the nation as a whole, as are severe deficiencies in necessities, such as plumbing, water and sanitation, heating, electricity, and other utilities (NCAI, n.d.; Pindus et al., 2017; U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 2018), putting AIAN people living in these conditions at risk of the health effects described early in this chapter.
The Native American Housing Assistance and Self-Determination Act of 19964 is the main source of federal assistance for affordable, safe, accessible housing for AIAN and Native Hawaiian people. A bipartisan group of senators introduced the Native American Housing Assistance and Self-Determination Reauthorization Act of 20215 to reauthorize the bill's programs through FY2032 (National Low Income Housing Coalition, 2021); the act was favorably passed out of the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs in February 2022 but has not yet been voted on by the full senate (Senate Committee on Indian Affairs, 2022). The act includes the Indian Housing Block Grant, a formula-based program that directly funds tribes (or tribally designated housing entities) to build, acquire, or rehabilitate affordable housing. It furthers tribal self-determination by providing direct funds to tribes and supporting them in developing housing programs based on community needs and priorities (U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 2018). The grant provides funds that tribal governments can use to finance rental assistance for AIAN people living on tribal lands (CBPP, 2022b). However, grant funding has remained relatively flat since its inception and not kept pace with inflation or demand for housing, eroding tribes' buying power and limiting their ability to increase total housing available and maintain aging housing (Acosta, 2021; Pindus et al., 2017; U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 2018) (see Figure 6-1).
The American Rescue Plan included $555 million for the Indian Housing Block Grant, half allocated through its traditional formula and half through a competitive grant process. The plan also included funds for the Indian Community Development Block Grant, which could be used for housing (Acosta, 2021). This is needed progress and in line with the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights recommendation that the federal government provide steady, direct funding to support housing, reauthorize the Native American Housing Assistance and Self-Determination Act of 1996, and increase appropriations to the Indian Housing Block Grant (U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 2018).
Native Hawaiians were also dispossessed of their traditional land in the illegal annexation and colonization of Hawaii (Harvard Law Review, 2020; Perez, 2021a). The Hawaiian Homes Commission Act was signed in 1921 “to enable native Hawaiians to return to their lands in order to fully support self-sufficiency for native Hawaiians and the self-determination of native Hawaiians in the administration of this Act, and the preservation of the values, traditions, and culture of native Hawaiians.”6 The Hawaiian Homes Commission administers 200,000 acres of public land for homesteads for Native Hawaiians (defined as people having at least 50 percent Hawaiian blood); beneficiaries receive 99-year residential, agricultural, pastoral, or aquaculture leases for $1 per year (leases can be extended to 199 years) to help build generational wealth (Department of Hawaiian Home Lands, n.d.; Hiraishi, 2021). Despite the size of the land trust, less than a quarter of the acreage is being used for homesteads, with only approximately 10,000 lessees and more than 28,000 people on the waitlist (Andrade, 2022). Funding levels and land inventory have been deemed inadequate; the commission must provide new sites to waitlist applicants (including the cost of infrastructure development) and continue serving existing sites with utility maintenance (Andrade, 2022; Department of Hawaiian Home Lands, n.d.; Hiraishi, 2021). The Department of Hawaiian Home Lands estimated it would cost $6 billion and take more than 180 years to clear the wait list at the current level of funding (Burnett, 2021). Many people on the waitlist are homeless, and people can wait decades to receive a lease (Consillio, 2022; Perez, 2021b). Additionally, federal government actions involving excess property have sometimes undermined the land debt repayment (Andrade, 2022; Perez, 2021b).
Federal Rental Assistance
Affordability is an important component of housing. Access to housing that families can afford is associated with positive health outcomes; without it, low-income people may live in substandard, unsafe housing with fewer community assets and have fewer resources available for other needs, like health care, food, and transportation (Braveman et al., 2011; Los Angeles County Department of Public Health, 2015; Maqbool et al., 2015; NASEM, 2019b). However, housing policy decisions are mainly made at the state and local levels, rather than the federal level (Cho, 2022). For example, zoning is largely set at the local level (this determines land use and density at which residential properties can be built), and housing development is done in large part by the private sector; these factors directly impact residents' ability to access homes and homeownership. Renters are more likely to be racially and ethnically minoritized and have lower income than homeowners; housing costs are more likely to burden7 racially and ethnically minoritized renters, especially Black and Latino/a households, than White renters and those with lower income than those with higher household incomes (CBPP, 2022a; JCHS, 2022). The federal government's role in housing policy is in four primary areas: (1) provides rental assistance that helps low-income people afford modest housing, (2) provides funding sources to build below-market rental housing, (3) insures mortgages for homeownership, and (4) acts as the largest source of funding for homeless assistance and services (Cho, 2022).
A robust and growing evidence base exists on the health effects of federal policies related to rental assistance, neighborhoods, and housing (see for example, Sard et al., 2018). An important body of knowledge draws on the HUD Moving to Opportunity (MTO) research demonstration, which began 1994–1998 and has continued to follow low-income families moving from extremely poor neighborhoods to “neighborhoods of opportunity” (HUD, n.d.-b). The 4,600 families in the study were randomly assigned to one of three arms: one group offered “a housing voucher that could only be used to move to a low-poverty neighborhood, a group offered a traditional Section 8 housing voucher, and a control group” (NBER, n.d.). Families were followed 2004–2007 and 2008–2010. Longer-term findings included better physical and mental health status for adults who moved to lower-poverty neighborhoods and better mental health for female youth. These findings echoed the earlier results, which had also included a large decrease in violent-crime arrests (NBER, n.d.). In a follow-up of the MTO participants, Chetty and colleagues found the most noteworthy effects in children who were moved to lower-poverty neighborhoods in early childhood. They found
that moving a child out of public housing to a low-poverty area when young (at age eight on average) using an MTO-type experimental voucher will increase the child's total lifetime earnings by about $302,000. This is equivalent to a gain of $99,000 per child moved in present value at age eight, discounting future earnings at a 3 percent interest rate. . . The additional tax revenue obtained from these children will itself offset the incremental cost of the experimental voucher treatment relative to providing public housing. (Chetty et al., 2016, p. 859–860)
The work of Chetty and colleagues (2018) also shows that the level of poverty in a close-by neighborhood (less than 0.6 mile radius) has causal effects on a child's outcomes, so the design of housing vouchers is extremely important for housing stability and getting to and remaining in a neighborhood that will improve a child's economic outcomes in later life.
Two federal agencies are involved with federal rental assistance. The Department of Agriculture (USDA) administers the USDA Section 521 Rural Rental Assistance program. HUD administers three major programs, including housing choice vouchers,8 public housing,9 and Section 8 project-based rental assistance10 (Mazzara, 2017); these three programs aid approximately 84 percent of those receiving federal rental assistance (CBPP, 2022b). Other HUD programs serve specific populations, such as those with disabilities, living with HIV/AIDS, or experiencing homelessness (Mazzara, 2017).
Approximately 10 million people receive federal rental assistance (CBPP, 2022c). About 5 million people use housing choice vouchers, the majority of whom are Black or Latino (CBPP, 2021). Federal rental assistance programs provided almost $49 billion in 2020 (CBPP, 2022c), and the fiscal year (FY) 2023 budget proposed funding to expand to 200,000 more families, prioritizing those who are homeless or escaping domestic violence (HUD, 2022). However, room for improvement remains in the federal government's role in rental assistance; funding is discretionary and historically has been severely underfunded relative to how many people are eligible (Cho, 2022; HUD, 2022). For example, because of limited funding, only one in four low-income renter households who qualify receive assistance (CBPP, 2022b; Cho, 2022). More than half of households in need are headed by racially and ethnically minoritized people (Fischer et al., 2021). Furthermore, due to limited program funding creating long waitlists, households awarded a housing choice voucher often wait close to 2.5 years to receive it, placing them at risk for housing instability during that time (Acosta and Gartland, 2021). Black households make up a disproportionate share of voucher waitlists, as Black people are among the minoritized communities disproportionately likely to experience housing insecurity and negative economic outcomes because of discriminatory housing and economic policies that have limited opportunities across generations (Acosta and Gartland, 2021). Tenant-based voucher programs also differ in eligibility criteria, such as income level (determined by the administering public housing agency and based on median income of the county or metropolitan area in which a recipient chooses to live); rental processes, including time allowed to find a unit; assistance, such as counseling in finding rental housing; and availability of short-term payments to cover moving expenses like rental deposits (CPSTF, 2021; HUD, n.d.-a).
The federal government offers other programs to build or rehabilitate rental housing with tax credits,11 grants, and reduced-interest loans, but without rental assistance, these units are often unaffordable to families with the lowest incomes (CBPP, 2022b; NASEM, 2022b; National Housing Law Project, 2021; National Low Income Housing Coalition, 2022). Additional, sustained federal investment in rental assistance could help reduce waiting times for vouchers, ease housing insecurity and crowded conditions, and alleviate rates of homelessness (Acosta and Gartland, 2021; Fischer et al., 2019; Schapiro et al., 2022). Rental assistance has also been shown to improve mental and physical well-being, reduce health care costs and food insecurity, and improve outcomes for children, including improvements in educational outcomes and behavioral development (Acosta and Gartland, 2021; CPSTF, 2021; Denary et al., 2021; Fischer et al., 2019). Expanding housing choice through vouchers increases access to neighborhoods with more resources and lower poverty (Acosta and Gartland, 2021). For example, Black and Latino children in families with housing vouchers are less likely to live in a high-poverty neighborhood (Fenelon et al., 2022). Additionally, expanding the housing choice voucher program could reduce poverty and racial and ethnic disparities. Using 2019 data, one study estimated that 9.3 million people could be lifted above the poverty line by providing vouchers to all eligible households; this would also reduce gaps in poverty rates between White and racially and ethnically minoritized households (Acosta and Gartland, 2021) (see Figure 6-2). Based on a systemic review, the Community Preventive Services Task Force recommends vouchers as an effective intervention to advance equity and improve health and health-related outcomes, such as health care use, housing security and quality, and neighborhood opportunities (CPSTF, 2021). In addition to overall funding issues, the program could also be improved by giving participants more time to find HUD-certified housing with a landlord who accepts vouchers, providing assistance with housing searches, and recruiting more landlords (CPSTF, 2021).
Conclusion 6-1: Redlining and associated policies and structures resulted in residential segregation and neighborhood disinvestment, which have led to measurable health inequities present today. Safe, quality housing is necessary for maintaining an adequate standard of living, and there is a compelling link between housing and health equity. Increased federal investment in housing interventions for low-income people, such as the housing voucher program, could improve housing security and health outcomes for children and adults, especially among Black, Latino/a, American Indian and Alaska Native, and Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander populations, and advance racial and ethnic health equity. Federal investment in housing would benefit from evidence-based guidelines to ensure that such investments do not contribute to future health inequities.
INFRASTRUCTURE: INVESTMENT, DISINVESTMENT, AND COMMUNITY HEALTH
Introduction
As illustrated with the example of redlining, historical federal policies heavily influence the neighborhood and built environment domain. The historical, deliberate siting and continued presence of freeways and other large, land-intensive infrastructure, such as manufacturing, industrial land uses, or landfills, for example, are well-established physical forms at neighborhood scales that have direct, long-standing negative effects on individual and community health (Ash and Boyce, 2018; Mikati et al., 2018; Mohai et al., 2009; Mohai and Saha, 2015; NASEM, 2021; Rothstein, 2017). Historical disinvestment in select neighborhoods reduces land rent prices, which enables land-intensive developments to locate to these areas, thereby establishing a long-lasting source of air pollution, extreme heat, or other hazards to human health; segregation is explicitly connected to disinvestment in infrastructure that supports community health. Racially and ethnically minoritized communities and low-income communities are consistently and disproportionately exposed to environmental hazards, such as air and water pollution and ambient noise, such as through water contamination events and the siting of waste facilities and petrochemical plants and refineries (Baurick et al., 2019; Brulle and Pellow, 2006; Bullard et al., 2007; Campbell et al., 2016; Deep South Center for Environmental Justice, 2020; Mohai et al., 2009; Paul, 2016). Race and ethnicity are significantly correlated with hazardous exposure after controlling for income; research has found new facilities are often sited where racially and ethnically minoritized communities already existed (Ash and Boyce, 2018; Bullard, 1983; Liu et al., 2021; Mikati et al., 2018; Mohai and Saha, 2015). Executive Order 1409612 Revitalizing our Nation's Commitment to Environmental Justice for All aims to confront environmental injustice through a variety of mechanisms, including meaningful public participation and investment in mitigation efforts.
Additionally, as described in Chapter 2, racially and ethnically minoritized populations have disproportionately higher rates of disability, which shapes one's experience with SDOH, including the built environment (Krahn et al., 2015; NASEM, 2018a). Although the Americans with Disabilities Act13 (ADA) prohibits discrimination on the basis of disability in employment, state and local government services, public transit, businesses that are open to the public, and telecommunications, it relies on complaints from members of the public who encounter violations. However, people may be unaware of their rights under the ADA or lack the resources to file a complaint (ADA.gov, n.d.; IOM, 2007). This is evident, for example, in transportation infrastructure.
Transportation services vary in ADA compliance, which can result in limited options and/or routes, high fares, and long wait and commute times, affecting access to employment, health care, and community participation (AAPD, n.d.; Blick et al., 2015; Martin-Proctor, 2022; Senate HELP Committee, 2014). The literature shows that people from racially and ethnically minoritized groups experience these and other factors that constitute transportation inequities, underscoring the important intersections of disability status and race and ethnicity (Karner et al., 2020). Built environment design for people with disabilities is important for realizing equity and the full participation of people of all ages and abilities in public spaces. Improving accessibility, mobility, safety, and inclusivity in public spaces can encompass audible, visual, and tactile design elements in street environments and public transit options (NACTO, 2016; National Endowment for the Arts, 2021). The federal government has a role to play in encouraging disability-inclusive design in urban planning and development. For example, the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act14 included funding to modernize and improve accessibility of transit for people with disabilities and older people (FTA, 2022). It also established the All Stations Accessibility Program to improve accessibility of rail system stations built before the ADA (DOT, 2022a). In July 2022, the Department of Transportation (DOT) announced the Disability Policy Priorities, which include enabling “safe and accessible air travel; multimodal accessibility of public transportation facilities, vehicles, and rights-of-way; access to good-paying jobs and business opportunities for people with disabilities; and accessibility of electric vehicles and automated vehicles” (DOT, n.d.).
This section provides additional detail and examples of how federal investment and disinvestment in infrastructure can help or harm community health and contribute to racial, ethnic, and tribal health inequities. In an overview of the scholarly research on Hurricane Katrina's impact on New Orleans, Jampel (2018) points out that “those most likely to be subject to and bear the greatest burdens of environmental injustice often occupy multiple marginalized social locations” and describes how an array of infrastructure failures presented an issue of disability justice in addition to issues of racial, climate, and environmental justice. Disability status played a role in people's ability to evacuate and compounded the plight of many who sought refuge in the Superdome (Jampel, 2018).
The federal government has long recognized that the country's infrastructure strengthens economic growth and national security while bolstering global competitiveness, and the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act provided $1 trillion for transportation and other infrastructure investment (Goubert and Austin, 2022). However, the federal responsibility is shared with state and local governments, which provide the majority of the funding for transportation and infrastructure (CBO, 2018; Shirley, 2017; Sprunt, 2021; Zhao et al., 2019). Infrastructure consists of the physical materials used to support, for example, transportation (e.g., mass transit, bridges, highways, railroads, aviation, waterway infrastructure, as well as the transportation of hazardous materials and of resources via pipeline). In terms of public health, it plays a direct role in ensuring clean water, wastewater management, and flood damage reduction and other disaster preparedness and response. It also includes the management of federally owned buildings and the development of economically depressed areas. Several federal agencies and standing congressional committees are directly responsible for assessing infrastructure, including DOT, Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), Federal Emergency Management Agency, as well as Amtrak, U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, U.S. Coast Guard, Economic Development Administration, and others.
Despite the federal responsibility for infrastructure, the United States lacks a national comprehensive infrastructure planning system that integrates federal decision making with state and local land-use policies. The legal power to regulate infrastructure largely rests with the states and local governments, not federal agencies, which can assist in building and maintaining infrastructure and evaluating related projects. The limited role of the federal government in local land-use is related to the United States' background of settlement and development. The historical idea that, given the country's size and relatively low population density, abundant space was available for development (Kayden, 2001) led in part to the rapid expansion of Europeans across the western United States in the 1800s on land belonging to AIAN tribes. The U.S. government supported and legally enforced settlers' claims; this dispossession of land, along with decades of other federal Indian policies, is at the core of inequity, especially for AIAN and NHPI people (see Chapter 7 for a more in-depth discussion of dispossession from land, historical and ongoing trauma, and the landback movement). This homesteading ethos contributes to the inequities in land and the built environment and assigns high reverence for private property that manifests in legal debates. In addition to the lack of federal emphasis on infrastructure, most states minimize their degree of intervention with infrastructure policies of the local governments (Cullingworth and Caves, 2009; Kayden, 2001).
Despite the emphasis on local land-use decisions in infrastructure planning and the importance of private property, the federal government has used land-use controls to achieve public health objectives such as establishing mitigation regulations and emission and waste treatment standards as well as procedural tools like environmental impact assessments. Four federal laws, in particular, have driven debate over the federal role in infrastructure planning and public health: (1) the Clean Air Act,15 which establishes standards for criteria of air pollutants; (2) Safe Drinking Water Act,16 which ensures that communities have access to potable water; (3) the Clean Water Act,17 which establishes the necessary guidelines for ensuring clean and swimmable waters; and (4) the National Environmental Policy Act,18 which is triggered any time federal money funds an infrastructure project and requires an environmental impact statement. These and other policies regulate the quality of infrastructure and its potential implications, but only the Clean Air and Water Acts directly reduce harms to public health by establishing thresholds for compounds found in air and water known to adversely affect human health. The National Environmental Policy Act does not reference community public health in the administration of the environmental impact statement.
Water
Water infrastructure is a concern that disproportionately impacts racially and ethnically minoritized communities across the country, affecting both sanitation and potable water. Evidence indicates that nearly 500,000 U.S. households lacked complete plumbing (meaning access to a bath or shower, a sink with a faucet, and hot and cold water); these were clustered mainly in Alaska, Puerto Rico, the Four Corners area, and parts of Texas and Appalachia (Mueller and Gasteyer, 2021). Water infrastructure issues are acute on AIAN reservations, where 58 out of every 1,000 households do not have complete plumbing; AIAN households are also 19 times more likely to lack indoor plumbing than White households. Many people on reservations also lack access to clean water because of old or deficient pipes or because pipes or water systems do not exist at all, forcing use of bottled or boiled water (Tebor, 2021; U.S. Water Alliance and DigDeep, 2019).
The Safe Drinking Water Act regulates the public drinking water supply and authorized EPA to set national minimum standards to protect against contamination from naturally occurring and anthropogenic health risks. It applies to all public water systems (which can be publicly or privately owned); responsibility is shared among EPA, states, and water systems, but state drinking water programs have the most direct oversight of water systems. States and EPA can take legal action, fine utilities, or take other enforcement actions against systems not meeting standards (EPA, 2004). The Clean Water Act governs pollution control; it regulates quality standards of surface waters and pollutant discharge into waterways. In 2021, across the United States, 1,165 community water systems were serious violators of the Safe Drinking Water Act and 9,457 permittees of the Clean Water Act were in significant noncompliance, indicating poor water quality in these communities for millions of residents. Violators of the Safe Drinking Water Act were clustered in Alaska, Puerto Rico, Appalachia, New Mexico, and parts of the Northwest. Noncompliance with the Clean Water Act was clustered in parts of the Northwest, including much of Washington; Appalachia; the upper Midwest; and lower Mississippi; this pattern illustrates variable state monitoring (Mueller and Gasteyer, 2021). Lack of adequate water infrastructure is especially important in Black, Latino, and AIAN communities, where data indicate that violations of the Safe Drinking Water Act are significantly higher (Switzer and Teodoro, 2017). On tribal land, researchers have found that regulatory agencies less vigorously enforce both acts (Teodoro et al., 2018). EPA data reveal that communities with a higher proportion of Hispanic residents were more likely to have community water systems contaminated by high nitrate levels (Schaider et al., 2019), which have been associated with increased risk of birth defects, thyroid disease, and cancers (Ward et al., 2018). Water infrastructure issues related to sanitation, clean and potable water, and unpolluted waterways are likely to become more widespread as climate change intensifies.
Transportation
Transportation is an essential resource for health through multiple pathways. Accessible and safe transportation and mobility options help people of all abilities access schools, employment, social networks, grocery stores, and health care and social services. The variety of transportation options available to a household corresponds to the extent to which communities have access to basic necessities. For example, research has found that more than 3.6 million people have delayed or missed medical care because of transportation barriers (NASEM, 2016a); people with chronic conditions that require regular care are especially vulnerable. Rural counties are particularly challenged because they have a higher concentration of federally designated primary care health professional shortage areas (NASEM, 2016a). This means that individuals who are mobility challenged or lack their own transportation must often travel farther to receive care. Furthermore, unsafe transportation systems and infrastructure can lead to injuries or death for motorists, cyclists, and pedestrians (GHSA, 2021; Hamann et al., 2020; Raifman and Choma, 2022). Infrastructure contributes to inequitable outcomes here as well, with racial disparities in traffic fatalities and pedestrian injury hospitalizations. Neighborhoods with lower-income, racially and ethnically minoritized communities are less likely to have features such as well-marked crosswalks and sidewalks or other types of infrastructure that lower speeds and improve pedestrian safety (Montgomery, 2021). Complete Streets may be a way to improve equity; they support safe, efficient, and inclusive mobility and multimodal transportation for all users. Complete Streets design approaches depend on community context but can address components such as sidewalks and accessible pedestrian signals and crossing opportunities, bicycle lanes, bus lanes and public transportation stops, and streetscape and landscape (City of Saint Paul, 2016; DOT, 2015a; Smart Growth America, n.d.). When appropriately designed and implemented, they can reduce motor vehicle crashes and reduce risk to pedestrians and bicyclists; more walkable and bikeable communities can also encourage physical activity and help reduce transportation's contribution to greenhouse gas emissions (Aytur et al., 2007; DOT, 2015a,b; FHWA, 2022; Frank et al., 2006; Pineda et al., 2017; Reynolds et al., 2009). Implementing Complete Streets plans and other infrastructure investments could also help prioritize and address outdated, inappropriate, and aging infrastructure in underserved communities (Huang and Taylor, 2019; Smart Growth America, 2023).
It is not coincidental that some of the major battles of the Civil Rights Movement occurred around bus transportation—an essential conduit to work, school, and other essential destinations (Brenman, 2007). Planning and transportation have also harmed many communities in the name of “urban renewal” in the 1950s and 1960s, displacing families, tearing apart social fabric, and uprooting entire neighborhoods (NASEM, 2016b, 2022a). Like housing and education, transportation can serve as a path to expanded opportunity, improved health and well-being, and thriving communities but can also represent an array of strategies that create and deepen social, environmental, and economic inequities that shape health outcomes.
DOT is the federal agency responsible for building and upkeep of the interstate highway system, and its agencies oversee public transit, airports, railroads, gas pipelines, bridges, and tunnels. Approximately 80 percent of the federal DOT budget is passed through to state DOTs. The federal department also sets standards, provides resources for innovations, collaborates with and provides technical assistance to state DOTs and local and regional planning organizations, and operates a research program with multiple academic partners, among other functions. State DOTs “are the primary state agency responsible for planning and programming mobility needs, as well as constructing, managing, and operating the statewide transportation system” (Flanigan and Howard, 2008). Federal coordination is needed to link health outcomes to transportation funding.
Given the range of linkages between transportation and health and the legacy of structural racism in land-use and planning decisions (e.g., devaluing the Black communities displaced by a new highway project), transportation agencies at all levels of government can play robust roles in furthering health equity. DOT has recognized its potential contribution and taken steps to focus considerable resources and effort on improving transportation equity and mitigating past harms. One important dimension of this work has been to center community voices (see Box 6-1).
Aging Infrastructure
These issues are exacerbated by aging infrastructure. Figure 6-3 shows that the average age of major components of infrastructure (e.g., roads, dams, water treatment plants) are beyond the average life expectancy. Road wear and tear and lack of maintenance, for example, have left just under half of public roadways in mediocre or poor condition (ASCE, 2021). The American Society of Civil Engineers produces a report card for U.S. infrastructure every 4 years; in 2021, it scored a C- (ASCE, 2021). The United States falls short on funding maintenance of vital infrastructure, such as transit, stormwater systems, bridges, and dams (ASCE, 2021), with needed repairs totaling an estimated $1 trillion (Zhao et al., 2019). The American Society of Civil Engineers forecasts $10.3 trillion in gross domestic product (GDP) loss by 2039 if the investment gap is not addressed (ASCE, 2021; EBP and ASCE, 2021).
The effects of aging or substandard infrastructure are felt by all but particularly by racially and ethnically minoritized communities. For example, Illinois has the most lead pipes of any state, and Black and Latino households are two times more likely than White households to live in a neighborhood with the most lead pipes. Puerto Rico, which has a majority Latino population, has among the worst energy infrastructure, leading to blackouts and high electricity prices (ASCE, 2019; Goubert and Austin, 2022). Similarly, the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights (2018) states that infrastructure projects on reservations have been underfunded for decades, which compounds the backlog of needed maintenance, let alone new projects to improve the physical infrastructure and built environment (NCAI, 2021). Indian Country has over 160,000 miles of roads eligible for federal funding, yet transportation systems are underdeveloped. Additionally, thousands of miles of roads owned by Bureau of Indian Affairs on reservations are among the most unsafe and poorly maintained (NCAI, 2021; U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 2018). The lack of public transportation on many reservations, combined with roads in need of repair and often rural locations, complicates access to quality health care, food, education, and employment for many AIAN people.
Natural Environment
The natural world and environmental conditions are directly affected by infrastructure decisions, which are direct determinants of health outcomes (NASEM, 2017; Shilling et al., 2007; Thacker et al., 2021). Large developments, such as highways, industrial and manufacturing facilities, hazardous waste sites, and rail lines (and depots), are often sited in disinvested areas of cities and generate atmospheric pollutants that are harmful to human health (Ash and Boyce, 2018; Kay and Katz, 2012; Mikati et al., 2018; Mohai and Saha, 2015; Spencer-Hwang et al., 2014). They also reduce the available land for green spaces, such as tree canopies in neighborhoods and safe and accessible parks and playgrounds that provide opportunities for physical activity and social connectedness (Arnold and Resilience Justice Project Researchers, 2021). Such green spaces also help mitigate the effects of extreme heat and noise pollution. Moreover, the increase in temperatures correspond to poor air and water quality (and lack of water), contaminated soil, pollution, and proximity to toxic sites, which negatively affect human health (Arnold and Resilience Justice Project Researchers, 2021). Green spaces also benefit mental health (NASEM, 2017).
Although climate change is a global phenomenon, communities experience the effects differentially. Health risk is shaped by adjacent infrastructure, which drives potential exposure, sensitivity, and ability to adapt to climate change–related extreme weather events (e.g., heatwaves, wildfires, drought, floods, storms) and rising temperatures. Changes in precipitation, increasing hurricane and tornado intensity, and rising sea levels will have more acute impacts on those already living precariously, who are consistently in areas where policies have “locked in” infrastructure that exacerbates extreme events. These climate change processes lead to temperature and precipitation extremes, air pollution, altered food and water supply and quality, environmental degradation, increased allergens, and changes in disease vector ecology (Romanello et al., 2022). Outcomes include heat-related illnesses; respiratory and cardiovascular conditions; injuries; adverse pregnancy outcomes; increased prevalence and altered distribution of water-, food-, and vector-borne diseases; malnutrition; harmful algal blooms; mental health effects; forced migration; civil conflict; and death (CDC, 2022b,d; Frumkin and Haines, 2019). At every income level, racially and ethnically minoritized people are exposed to higher levels of air pollution than White people in the United States (Clark et al., 2014, 2017; Lane et al., 2022; Liu et al., 2021; Tessum et al., 2021) and, on average, face higher heat island intensity in all but 6 of the 175 largest urbanized areas (Hsu et al., 2021). In a study of wildfire potential and vulnerability, Davies and colleagues (2018) found that majority Black, Hispanic, and American Indian census tracts were more vulnerable and less likely to be able to adapt and respond to wildfires than majority White tracts.
Furthermore, climate change is likely to intensify challenges presented by aging infrastructure, especially among racially and ethnically minoritized communities (Arnold and Resilience Justice Project Researchers, 2021; USGCRP, 2018). Extreme heat and storms, for instance, will put pressure on old infrastructure and worsen racial and ethnic health inequities. For example, Black neighborhoods have been disproportionately harmed by flooding, as seen in the damage caused by Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans and Hurricane Harvey in Houston; these neighborhoods also have lower capacity to recover from flooding (Frank, 2020; Goubert and Austin, 2022; NASEM, 2019a). As mentioned, a study found that AIAN reservations experience more climate change–related days of extreme heat and long-term drought and less precipitation than their historical lands (Farrell et al., 2021).
Despite a few direct mechanisms for engaging local communities through federal support, programs that offer promising directions need greater visibility in infrastructure planning. This could include, for example, using community scientists to understand how past planning policies affect human health through measurement of air temperatures. For example, Heat Watch, administered through the National Integrated Heat Health Information System, is a public–private partnership that brings together almost a dozen federal agencies in addressing the disproportionate exposure to extreme heat events (National Integrated Heat Health Information System, n.d.). Through engaging directly with local organizations, investing in local communities, the participants are able to directly describe the differences in air temperatures across the built environment and work toward locally equitable solutions (Hoffman et al., 2022). If more federal agencies developed similar programs that engage local communities and public health partners in addressing known causes of health risk, pernicious effects on racially and ethnically minoritized communities could be more effectively averted.
Green Infrastructure
Essential in the built environment is the need for gray infrastructure—traditional infrastructure that allows the seamless movement of goods, removal of wastewater, housing of residents, businesses, and other buildings, and myriad other services. Yet, establishing these assets has led to removing green infrastructure (GI),19 which can play a critical role in improving population health. GI is becoming an important component of the built environment, especially as cities respond to both climate change and environmental quality degradation. Discussion of GI in urban planning highlights benefits such as air quality improvements (Nowak et al., 2006), stormwater management (Copeland, 2016; Eaton, 2018), flood and heat control (Webber et al., 2020; Zölch et al., 2016), and carbon capture and climate change mitigation (Foster et al., 2011; Romanello et al., 2022; USGCRP, 2018). Yet, an emerging area of research points to the disparate access to GI across the built environment. Past federal policies, such as redlining, are associated with racial inequities in GI, including green spaces and tree canopy (Locke et al., 2021; Nardone et al., 2021).
Studies are catalyzing actions in U.S. cities in establishing large tracts of GI, even within highly populated neighborhoods (Grabowski et al., 2023). GI can be traditional systems, such as parks and greenways, but recently is expanding into green roofs and walls, bioswales, street trees, and other forms of greening that sometimes create networks across metropolitan regions. However, GI can be more than a physical barrier to environmental hazards; “it is a gateway through which urban planners and policy makers might respond to underlying disparities that create socioecological vulnerability and inhibit resilience” (Bowen and Lynch, 2017; Jennings et al., 2012; Shandas and Hellman, 2022, p. 290; Zhu et al., 2019). Although several factors, such as home value, perceptions of crime, and polluting infrastructure, can preclude access to high-quality green spaces in neighborhoods, it is crucial that cities' GI plans acknowledge causes of racial and ethnic health inequity and displacement and use inclusive processes to design and evaluate GI so that the systems do not perpetuate harms (Arnold and Resilience Justice Project Researchers, 2021; Barber et al., 2022; Grabowski et al., 2023). For example, a study of 122 GI plans from 20 cities found that fewer than 15 percent defined equity or justice, and few plans recognized houselessness and gentrification as related issues (Grabowski et al., 2023). Communities without effective and appropriately scaled GI are more vulnerable and less resilient to pollution, disasters, and climate change (Arnold and Resilience Justice Project Researchers, 2021). If properly planned and integrated with a focus on inclusion and community voice, “GI could be an essential tool enabling environmental justice and equity in the urban environment, alongside climate change mitigation, cost-effective risk reduction, and ecological protection” (Shandas and Hellman, 2022, p. 290).
Two essential and practical applications are necessary for sustaining GI in the long term. The first is developing maintenance and operations systems that align new GI to specific public agencies and/or related partner organizations. With concerns about increasing costs for municipal parks and recreation agencies and a general lack of resources for maintaining existing GI, municipal leaders will need to prioritize long-term care and support for expanding GI facilities. Federal agencies can be instrumental in providing additional incentives, such as through expanding revolving block grants, cost-share programs, and other capacity-building approaches; the Inflation Reduction Act of 202220 focus on greening urban communities is a positive example of federal investment in this area (Copeland, 2016; EPA, 2023c; NCSL, 2022; The White House, 2022). At the local level, municipal leaders can champion equity-centered applications of GI. Second, data are essential for integrating tools, yet sufficient quality data for improving the overall assessment of new building in relation to future environmental and climate threats and systematic investments are still lacking. Consideration of a set of guidelines for improving the resolution of environmental and climate data at subneighborhood scales can serve as an important first step. This means establishing GI standards in federally sponsored programs that also account for racial and ethnic health inequities.
Conclusion 6-2: The federal infrastructure policies governed by the Department of Housing and Urban Development, the Environmental Protection Agency, the Department of Transportation, and other agencies play critical roles to ensure health equity. Essential in these policies is the protection for those most vulnerable to the health effects of infrastructure investments, since, in many cases, federal funding propels infrastructure spending from state and local governments. While the role of federal funding may be limited in terms of the types of state and local infrastructure projects, there are missed opportunities for the federal government to monitor and address the health inequities tied to infrastructure. Coordination, monitoring, and guidance on infrastructure spending are lacking across federal agencies.
ENVIRONMENTAL EXPOSURES: WORKPLACE VULNERABILITIES
Occupational health inequities have been recognized by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention as increased rates of work-related illness and injury for vulnerable populations (NIOSH, 2019). Some workplace hazards pose direct risks to employee health and safety. For instance, in 2021, 2.6 million people suffered workplace-related injuries or illness in the private sector; one worker died from a work-related injury every 111 minutes during 2020 (BLS, 2021, 2022). As a report from the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health found, “not all workers have the same risk of being injured at work, even when they are in the same industry or have the same job” (NIOSH and ASSE, 2015, p. 6). This was especially true for Latino/a workers, who represented 18 percent of the labor force in 2020 but almost 23 percent of all work-related deaths; most fatalities were in the construction, agriculture, and transportation industries (Frederick, 2022). According to the Department of Labor, Latino/a workers have the highest fatal injury rate in the country (Frederick, 2022).
The workplace can present a variety of psychosocial health risks that are compounded by other SDOH. Where someone works can also be an SDOH (Healthy People 2030 includes work as one of the environments that affects health outcomes) (HHS, n.d.). For example, financial stability can determine vulnerability to illness and life expectancy. The gender pay gap contributes to financial stability, and it is larger for AIAN, Hispanic or Latina, Black, and Native Hawaiian and Pacific Islander (NHPI) women than for White and Asian women. According to Census Bureau data, for every dollar White men earned in 2021, White and Asian women earned $0.79 and $0.97, respectively. AIAN and Hispanic or Latina women each earned $0.58, Black women $0.63, and NHPI women $0.66 (GAO, 2022). See Chapter 3 for more information on income, employment, and health. Additionally, workplace discrimination and harassment have been shown to affect physical and psychological health, such as elevated blood pressure levels for Black and Latina women and general poor mental health (Okechukwu et al., 2014). This is particularly true when it comes to workplace-based racial discrimination, which contributes to occupational health disparities (Okechukwu et al., 2014).
Congress passed the Occupational Safety and Health Act of 197021 because it found that “personal injuries and illnesses arising out of work situations impose a substantial burden upon, and are a hindrance to, interstate commerce in terms of lost production, wage loss, medical expenses, and disability compensation payments” (OSHA, n.d.-b). Even with these protections, hazardous work conditions contribute to racial health inequities (Baron et al., 2013; Bui et al., 2020; NASEM, 2017; Rho et al., 2020; Seabury et al., 2017). The National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health has recognized occupational health inequities as “differences in work-related disease incidence, mental illness, or morbidity and mortality that are closely linked with social, economic, and/or environmental disadvantage such as work arrangements (e.g. contingent work), sociodemographic characteristics (e.g. age, sex, race, and class), and organizational factors (e.g. business size)” (NIOSH, 2019); food production is one of the industries where such inequities manifest (Newman et al., 2015).
Agricultural food production provides an example of how work-related health risks exacerbate social and economic inequities. Such work is among the most hazardous occupations; direct hazards include exposure to heat, extreme conditions, toxic pesticides, and chemicals; musculoskeletal injuries and use of nonergonomic tools; and unsanitary conditions, among other threats to health and safety (Newman et al., 2015; OSHA, n.d.-a). For example, a study of agricultural workers in California found heat strain was associated with increased odds of acute kidney injury (Moyce et al., 2017). Farmworkers can be exposed to pesticides during mixing and application, or because of direct spray, drift, or residue on crops or in soil (Damalas and Koutroubas, 2016; OSHA, n.d.-a). Pesticides can drift to schools, residences, and other facilities nearby. Farmworkers can also carry residue home on skin, clothes, or hair, exposing children and family members. Exposure causes acute health effects, such as rash, headaches, nausea, and difficulty breathing; long-term health effects can include cancers, neurological disorders like Parkinson's disease, and reproductive health issues (Kim et al., 2017).
Federal policy can contribute to inequities in workplace toxic exposure. This happens in the agricultural sector, where about 80 percent of all workers identify as Latino/a (Donley et al., 2022; Ornelas et al., 2021); occupational risks will disproportionately affect one ethnically minoritized group. Furthermore, according to the Department of Labor's 2017–2018 National Agricultural Workers Survey, approximately 44 percent of farmworkers reported they did not have health insurance (Ornelas et al., 2021). Regulators have taken steps to protect consumers from harmful pesticides, including the Federal Insecticide, Fungicide, and Rodenticide Act22 and Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act,23 which together form the basis of pesticide regulation in the United States. However, the combination of disproportionate exposure at the workplace and lack of health insurance can produce more negative outcomes for agricultural workers (APHA, 2011; Donley et al., 2022; Liebman et al., 2013; Ornelas et al., 2021). The production and extensive use of industrial agriculture also exposes non-workers to health dangers. Pesticide production tends to expose surrounding low-income Black and Latino/a communities. In Kentucky, a major DDT producer was designated a Superfund site after it contaminated a community in which 84 percent of the residents were Black (Donley et al., 2022). California EPA has found that pesticide exposure during the use phase also exposes low-income and Latino/a communities to health risks (Donley et al., 2022); pesticide use in California is greatest in majority Latino/a counties (Cushing et al., 2015). Consequently, farmworkers and people who live in areas where pesticides are produced and/or used have higher concentrations of toxins in their bodies. For example, strawberry fieldworkers in Monterey County, California, had median urinary pesticide metabolite levels that were about 61 to 395 times higher than national levels (Salvatore et al., 2008). In Washington state, researchers discovered that 85 percent of farmworker homes contained pesticide-laden dust and 88 percent of children who lived with farmworkers had pesticides in their urine (Curl et al., 2002). In sum, pesticide exposure is responsible for thousands (estimated 10,000–20,000) of medical visits for acute health needs (Donley et al., 2022). EPA has acknowledged these inequities and proposed to resolve them by drafting the “Revised Risk Assessment Methods for Workers, Children of Workers in Agricultural Fields, and Pesticides with No Food Uses,” but it faced opposition and has been stalled since 2009 (Donley et al., 2022).
The Occupational Health and Safety Administration (OSHA) oversees most occupational sector safety standards, but EPA exerts authority over agricultural worker safety through the federal WPS, which is largely administered by states and meant to reduce risk of pesticide poisoning and injuries among agricultural workers (EPA, 2023a). Lack of compliance monitoring and enforcement of the WPS disincentivizes inspections for violations; federal data show that more than half of violations have no enforcement action, and many that do only result in a warning (Guarna et al., 2022). When penalties are assessed, they are often low. For example, fines in California for pesticide-related violations from 2019 to 2021 were $50–12,000, but the majority were $500 or less (Guarna et al., 2022). Despite improvements to the standard in 2015, worker protection from pesticides could be improved further (APHA, 2011; Bohme, 2015; Donley et al., 2022; Guarna et al., 2022; Liebman et al., 2013). Future efforts need to address exposure in the workplace, residential communities, and the production site, such as requiring no-spray buffer zones to protect workers and communities from pesticide drift. This idea is supported by a new rule24 proposed by EPA in 2023 aimed at reducing exposure for farmworkers and their communities by updating the pesticide application exclusion zone (EPA, 2023b). Other ideas for change include extending worker protection to agricultural workers that enables access to safety training and information in Spanish and other languages; it could be a requirement that pesticide labels be printed in Spanish, as well. Federal policies that explicitly protect essential workers or workers who are most vulnerable (such as making sure that farmworkers are covered by policies that have excluded them or adding a federal heat safety standard) could be implemented, or OSHA's jurisdiction over regulation of pesticide-related occupational hazards could be restored. EPA could also be granted effective, meaningful tools to respond to states that fail to enforce the WPS, and penalties for violations could be increased (Guarna et al., 2022).
Conclusion 6-3: There is a lack of coordination among relevant federal agencies to address workplace protection from pesticides, such as among the Occupational Safety and Health Administration, the Environmental Protection Agency, and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Inadequate workplace protections from pesticides for agricultural workers disproportionately impact Latino/a workers, their children, and surrounding communities.
FOOD ACCESS AND PRODUCTION
Healthy neighborhoods require access to healthy food systems. Access to nutritious, affordable food and to supermarkets and grocery stores, corner stores, convenience stores, and other food venues is an important factor in health outcomes across the life span. USDA defines food insecurity as a “household-level economic and social condition of limited or uncertain access to adequate food” (USDA, 2022b). Poor nutrition and food insecurity (or access to only nonnutritious foods) are associated with increased risk of chronic diseases, from obesity, cardiovascular disease, and hypertension to type 2 diabetes and certain cancers, and, among children, frequent infections (e.g., ear or upper respiratory infections), iron-deficiency anemia, poor oral health, and overall poor health (Pflipsen and Zenchenko, 2017; Seligman and Berkowitz, 2019; Thorndike et al., 2022). According to data from the Current Population Survey Food Security Supplement, approximately 10 percent of U.S. households were food insecure in 2021, as were 12.5 percent of households with children. The prevalence of food insecurity in 2021 was higher among lower-income (26.5 percent), Black (19.8 percent), and Hispanic (16.2 percent) households than among non-Hispanic White (7.0 percent) households and those with incomes higher than 185 percent of the poverty threshold (5.0 percent) (USDA, 2022c). About 20–25 percent of AIAN people are food insecure (Feeding America, n.d.; Jernigan et al., 2017).
Additionally, distribution of supermarkets, which can provide more nutritious food options at lower prices, is inequitable in the United States. USDA estimates that, in 2019, 11–27 percent of the U.S. population lived in census tracts that have both low income25 and low access26 to large food stores, such as grocery stores and supermarkets (Rhone et al., 2022). Areas of low income and low access are sometimes referred to as “food deserts” in popular culture. People who are Black, Asian, Hispanic, and NHPI generally live closer to food stores than do people who are White or AIAN (Rhone et al., 2019). Much of this variation across racial, ethnic, and tribal groups is correlated with differences in living in urban versus rural areas. Within urban and rural areas, in general, White people lived further away from food stores (Rhone et al., 2019). However, Bower and colleagues (2014) found that majority Black census tracts had the fewest supermarkets and White census tracts had the most at equal levels of poverty. Higher census tract poverty was associated with lower supermarket availability and higher grocery27 and convenience store availability (Bower et al., 2014). In rural areas, 12 percent of AIAN people lived more than 20 miles away from the nearest food store, compared with less than 1 percent of rural residents overall (Rhone et al., 2019), and the largest proportion of AIAN people in tribal areas live 1–10 miles from a grocery store (driving distance) (Kaufman et al., 2014). Access to healthy food is also more difficult for those who do not own a car or must rely on often inadequate public transportation infrastructure.
Climate change will continue to affect food systems through an array of mechanisms, such as more frequent heavy precipitation, which can erode soil and deplete nutrients; stronger storms and sea level rise, which can affect agricultural land and water supplies; and increased threat of wildfire, which poses risk to farmlands and rangelands; it may also affect pollinator ecology. Climate change is also likely to negatively affect livestock health and productivity (e.g., heat stress) (EPA, 2022a; USGCRP, 2018).
The Agriculture Improvement Act (commonly referred to as the “Farm Bill”) is a major piece of federal legislation that influences what and how food is produced in the United States. It affects the composition of the food supply, nutrition and public health, food prices, agricultural producers and practices, the use and conservation of natural resources, and trade (Shannon et al., 2015). The omnibus law is typically reauthorized every 5 years (Johnson and Monke, 2023); the 2018 act expires at the end of FY2023 and included 12 titles.28 The nutrition title comprised the majority of funding in the 2018 bill (the largest part of which was for the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program [SNAP], followed by crop insurance, commodities, and conservation) (Johnson and Monke, 2023). Given the bill's size, scope, and impact, it could benefit from an equity audit to review its effects on racial, ethnic, and tribal health equity; the USDA Equity Commission's interim report recommends equity audits across USDA's services (USDA Equity Commission, 2023).
As described, reservations are often in rural areas and frequently underresourced. The reservation system destroyed traditional food systems; sources of nutritious food may be sparse and/or difficult to reach (Maillacheruvu, 2022; Nikolaus et al., 2022). Part of the nutrition title in the Farm Bill includes the Food Distribution Program on Indian Reservations. This program provides USDA food commodities, in lieu of SNAP benefits, to eligible low-income households on reservations and American Indians living in Oklahoma or near reservations in designated areas; eligible households cannot participate in both SNAP and the Food Distribution Program on Indian Reservations during the same month (Aussenberg and Billings, 2019; Croft, 2022; Maillacheruvu, 2022). The 2018 Farm Bill increased the federal administrative funding, requiring the government to pay a minimum of 80 percent of administrative costs, and authorized a demonstration project for tribes to enter self-determination contracts to purchase their own commodities, giving them more flexibility in selecting foods (Croft, 2022; Johnson and Monke, 2023). This is in accordance with the USDA Equity Action Plan (and its commission's interim report) and its Indigenous Food Sovereignty Initiative, both of which acknowledge and support enabling tribal self-determination and self-governance, strengthening tribes' efforts to protect and build traditional food systems, and responding to dietary needs as they see fit with traditional and culturally appropriate food, including tribally grown food (Johnson, 2022; Maillacheruvu, 2022; USDA Equity Commission, 2023). These changes (among 63 new tribal-specific provisions in 11 of the 12 titles to support food, farm and agriculture, infrastructure, and research programs for tribal governments, communities, and food producers) came about in part because of the sustained efforts of the Native Farm Bill Coalition, an initiative made up of 170 tribal governments (Duren, 2020).
Racial inequities extend beyond access to food and federal nutrition support to the production portion of the food system. From the late 1990s to the 2010s, USDA settled multiple class action suits from Black, Latino/a, and AIAN farmers who claimed the agency engaged in systemic discrimination when deciding on farm loans and access to land. In Pigford v. Glickman,29 the federal government was ordered to pay more than $2 billion in monetary relief to a group of Black farmers for damages caused by discriminatory loan and land access practices (NSAC, 2017). Similarly, Keepseagle v. Vilsack30 found USDA had systematically discriminated against American Indian farmers and ranchers since the 1980s by denying them access to low interest rate loans in the Farm Loan Program; the settlement was $760 million (CohenMilstein, n.d.; NSAC, 2017). Discrimination and restricted access to opportunities and resources (e.g., land, infrastructure, credit, capital, information) results in generational wealth loss for racially and ethnically minoritized farmers and reduces their numbers (Ackoff et al., 2022; Aminetzah et al., 2021; Casey, 2021; Union of Concerned Scientists, 2020). In response to advocacy by organizations such as Rural Coalition and 1890 land-grant colleges (historically Black universities established under the Second Morrill Act of 189031) (USDA, n.d.), the 1990 Farm Bill created a formal designation of socially disadvantaged farmer and rancher: “a group whose members have been subjected to racial or ethnic prejudice because of their identity as members of a group without regard to their individual qualities”32; this includes Black, Latino/a, Asian, NHPI, and AIAN farmers and ranchers (NSAC, 2017). Some, but not all, USDA programs also include women (USDA, 2022d). The 2018 Farm Bill included expanded support for this group in crop insurance, farm credit, and conservation programs. Additionally, USDA leadership signaled intention to address possible discrimination involving this group across USDA programs and offices (Johnson, 2021).
Adding provisions to the 2018 Farm Bill aimed specifically at tribal governments and communities is a positive example of incorporating community voice in federal policy making; building strong community leadership and capacity is an important way to improve public health (NASEM, 2017; NCAI, 2021). However, room for improvement remains in the next iteration of the Farm Bill, and the federal government can do more to promote racial, ethnic, and tribal equity in the food and agricultural system. See, for example, the priorities of the Native Farm Bill Coalition (Parker et al., 2022), the National Young Farmers Coalition (Ackoff et al., 2022), and the National Sustainable Agriculture Coalition (NSAC, 2023) for the 2023 Farm Bill, which include additional ways to address racial, ethnic, and tribal equity. For more information on racial, ethnic, and tribal food and land issues in this report, see Chapter 3 (SNAP and the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children), Chapter 4 (National School Lunch Program), and Chapter 7 (land dispossession and restoration).
Conclusion 6-4: Community voice through advocacy has played a positive role in shaping iterations of the Agriculture Improvement Act. However, given the bill's size and scope, an audit of the equity implications of the bill could identify additional areas of improvement, such as areas to expand further tribal self-determination and self-governance in relevant programs and other mechanisms to advance racial and ethnic health equity.
CONCLUDING OBSERVATIONS
This chapter has outlined some of the key ways that the built environment functions as an SDOH and how federal policies in this area positively and negatively impact racial, ethnic, and tribal equity. Although this report provides crosscutting recommendations for federal action (see Chapter 8), many National Academies reports have evidence-based and promising recommendations for federal action on specific policies to advance racial, ethnic, and tribal health equity in the area of neighborhood and built environment (including and beyond the federal policies reviewed in this chapter) that are still relevant (see Box 6-2 for examples of such recommendations from two reports also focused on health equity).
Given the broad scope of this SDOH domain, the committee could not review all relevant federal policies. However, the policies in this chapter highlight several crosscutting themes—access barriers for existing programs, program implementation issues, and the need to include community voice. Where people work, live, play, and age can have major repercussions on health outcomes, and the current system of federal laws and policies can play a supporting role in furthering inequities. Because of the relatively fixed nature of the built environment, past federal policies that were key to shaping it still have major implications for processes that affect racial, ethnic, and tribal health outcomes and inequities. For example, redlining continues to harm some communities and benefit others today. The evidence in this chapter illustrates several examples of how policies have resulted in intergenerational health outcomes disproportionately burdening communities who have faced segregation, disinvestment, and exposure to environmental hazards—a foundational context that needs to be accounted for when implementing or creating federal policy.
The committee identified federal actions, supported by evidence, that can address racial and ethnic health inequities in this domain. First, expanding access to effective programs such as federal rental assistance can improve housing security and health outcomes among racially and ethnically minoritized communities. Second, federal support for infrastructure projects provides opportunities to prevent health inequities from being built into racially and ethnically minoritized communities; integrating several existing tools into infrastructure investment decisions will need to be a priority. Third, government agencies that work on housing, transportation, food, and other areas related to the built environment need to review their policies and practices to verify that they collaborate with community stakeholders and public health partners to avoid or minimize health risks; a positive example is the inclusion of AIAN community voice in parts of the Farm Bill. The chapter also highlights future challenges. Federal actions will need to face the reality that, gone unchecked, climate change will further amplify harms in the built environment.
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Footnotes
- 1
42 U.S.C. § 4851 et seq.
- 2
Discriminatory lending practices by private lenders resulting in redlining still occur (see, for example, DOJ, 2023; Glantz and Martinez, 2018; Zaru, 2023).
- 3
Act of May 28, 1830.
- 4
25 U.S.C. § 4101 et seq.
- 5
S. 2264, 117th Congress (2021).
- 6
Act of July 9, 1921, ch. 42, 42 Stat 108.
- 7
A cost-burdened household pays more than 30 percent of income on housing.
- 8
This a federally funded program in which low-income households use tenant-based vouchers to obtain rental housing in the private market; it is administered by state and local housing agencies (Mazzara, 2017).
- 9
Public housing units are for eligible low-income families; they are owned and managed by local housing agencies (Mazzara, 2017).
- 10
The Project-Based Rental Assistance program contracts with private owners to rent at least some units in housing developments to low-income households (Mazzara, 2017).
- 11
For example, the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit creates new affordable rental housing by encouraging private developers to build or rehabilitate housing for low-income individuals. Once compliance periods conclude, however, affordability requirements end, and owners can raise rents (National Low Income Housing Coalition, 2022; Tax Policy Center, 2020).
- 12
Exec. Order No. 14096, 88 FR 25251 (April 2023).
- 13
42 U.S.C. § 12101 et seq.
- 14
Pub. L. 117–58, 135 Stat. 429 (Nov. 15, 2021).
- 15
42 U.S.C. § 7401 et seq.
- 16
Pub. L. 93–523, 88 Stat. 1660 (Dec. 16, 1974).
- 17
Pub. L. 92–500, 86 Stat. 816 (Oct. 18, 1972).
- 18
42 U.S.C. § 4321 et seq.
- 19
Defined in 33 U.S.C. § 1362 as “the range of measures that use plant or soil systems, permeable pavement or other permeable surfaces or substrates, stormwater harvest and reuse, or landscaping to store, infiltrate, or evapotranspirate stormwater and reduce flows to sewer systems or to surface waters.”
- 20
Pub. L. 117–169, 136 Stat. 1818 (Aug. 16, 2022).
- 21
29 U.S.C. § 651 et seq.
- 22
7 U.S.C. § 136 et seq.
- 23
21 U.S.C. § 301 et seq.
- 24
Pesticides; Agricultural Worker Protection Standard; Reconsideration of the Application Exclusion Zone Amendments, 88 FR 15346 (March 2023).
- 25
Defined as “a tract with either a poverty rate of 20 percent or more, or a median family income less than 80 percent of the state-wide median family income; or a tract in a metropolitan area with a median family income less than 80 percent of the surrounding metropolitan area median family income” (USDA, 2022a).
- 26
Defined as “at least 500 people, or 33 percent of the population, living more than one-half mile (urban areas) or more than 10 miles (rural areas) from the nearest supermarket, supercenter, or large grocery store” (USDA, 2022a). USDA also produces estimates using the distance threshold as 1 mile for urban areas and 20 miles for rural areas.
- 27
In this study, the authors differentiated supermarkets from grocery stores if the store had more than 50 employees or was classified as a franchise.
- 28
Pub. L. 115–334, 132 Stat. 4490 (Dec. 20, 2018). Title I: Commodity Programs, Title II: Conservation, Title III: Trade, Title IV: Nutrition, Title V: Credit, Title VI: Rural Development, Title VII: Research, Extension, and Related Matters, Title VIII: Forestry, Title IX: Energy, Title X: Horticulture, Title XI: Crop Insurance, Title XII: Miscellaneous (Johnson and Monke, 2023).
- 29
Pigford v. Glickman, 185 F.R.D. 82 (D.D.C. 1999).
- 30
Keepseagle v. Vilsack, Case No. 99-CV-3119 (D.D.C. 2011) (EGS).
- 31
7 U.S.C. § 321 et seq.
- 32
7 U.S.C. § 2279.
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