SOCIAL COGNITIVE PROCESSES AND CONSEQUENCES OF RACIAL BIAS

People carve the world into social categories or groups along many axes, including race and ethnicity, a tendency that can be seen in the social cognitive process of social categorization. The first part of this section details how creating such groups can lead to psychological experiences of “us” and “them.” This includes a consideration of how individuals may be members in particular social groups and subjectively identify with their groups to varying degrees (social identity), which has consequences for well-being when group esteem is threatened. The second part of the section demonstrates that there are a range of adverse cognitive, emotional, and physiological consequences that minoritized individuals experience as a result of facing bias against their racial or ethnic group.

SOCIAL CATEGORIZATION AND SOCIAL IDENTITY

The human mind simplifies information processing through social categorization, which is the process of categorizing people into groups based on perceived visual, functional, or role similarity and inferring that members of a group share these and other common attributes (Fiske, 2005; Hilton and von Hippel, 1996; Macrae and Bodenhausen, 2000). Such inferences allow humans to take mental shortcuts in processing information about new people; thus, when a person encounters an individual for the first time, they often categorize that individual into a social group, based on perceived salient characteristics. This grouping is often accompanied by the inference that members of a given group are more similar to others in that group as compared to members of other groups. This kind of inference is the essence of stereotyping, which is the overgeneralized attribution of characteristics to others based on their group membership (Fiske, 2005; see Chapter 6 for more on how social categorization underpins stereotyping, prejudice, and discrimination).

This process of social categorization is also reflexive, where individuals also think of themselves as belonging to groups. Groups to which an individual belongs are their “ingroup,” whereas other groups to which they do not belong are their “outgroup.” Thus, from the perspective of any given person, social categorization divides the world into “us” (ingroups) and “them” (outgroups). Ingroups may be based on ascribed characteristics (e.g., groups based on age, sex, race, or ethnicity) or chosen characteristics (e.g., groups based on professions, roles, religion, nationality; Brewer, 2007). Research using social identity theory (Tajfel, 1978; Tajfel and Turner, 1979) shows that a person’s identification with their various ingroups is a central component of that individual’s self-concept. Some ingroups may be more important to a person’s sense of self than others, in that people derive greater self-esteem from those identities (Brown, 2000). In addition, people exhibit a strong tendency to favor their ingroups relative to outgroups in social evaluations and resource allocations. This tendency has been used to explain intergroup prejudice as well as discriminatory behaviors (Böhm et al., 2020; Leaper, 2011; Wolfe and Spencer, 1996). These phenomena are not limited to racial groups in United States, but they occur with various types of groups, everywhere, throughout history.

When particular groups are of high status and power, whether historically or in the short term as the result of specific situations, other groups are often measured against the norms established by the high-status group (Fiske et al., 2016). In relation to race, research shows that the more a person deviates from the non-Hispanic White norms (hereafter referred to as White)—a high-status group—in terms of skin color, hair, accent, and physical features, the more racism a person is likely to experience (Blair et al., 2004; Dixon and Telles, 2017; Eberhardt et al., 2006; Maddox and Perry, 2018; see Chapter 2 for more on historical context for race and status in the United States). Below, this chapter describes a range of cognitive, emotional, and physiological outcomes associated with experiencing racism in STEMM contexts. This includes sections on the negative impacts of predominantly White contexts, stereotype threat and social identity threat, imposter phenomenon, stigma and coping, attributional ambiguity, physical health impacts, and race-based rejection sensitivity.

PHYSICAL HEALTH IMPACTS OF BEING THE TARGET OF RACISM

Over the past several years, there has been a substantial growth in research on the association between racism and health outcomes. This work shows that racism experienced at every level (e.g., institutional, interpersonal) undermines psychological health (Araújo and Borrell, 2006; Jones and Neblett, 2019; Pieterse et al., 2012) and physical health (Paradies et al., 2015; Solomon et al., 2022; Williams et al., 2019a,b). In fact, the director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and leading medical societies, including the American Medical Association (AMA), declared racism to be a serious public health threat (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2021; O’Reilly, 2020). In terms of psychological health, racism faced by minoritized individuals is associated with increased anxiety (Stein et al., 2019), depressive symptoms (English et al., 2014), major depressive disorder (Russell et al., 2018), distress (Nguyen et al., 2021), and suicidal ideation (Madubata et al., 2022). Some scholars note that negative psychological consequences associated with racism share features associated with trauma (Pieterse et al., 2012).

In terms of physical or physiological health, experiences of racism are significantly associated with poor cardiovascular health (Javed et al., 2022), hazardous drinking behavior (Gilbert and Zemore, 2016), poor sleep (Slopen et al., 2016), and cancer-related risks (Black et al., 2015; Plascak et al., 2022). A number of studies suggest that stress-induced “weathering” among older Black individuals, defined as the cumulative health impact of repeated experiences of social, economic, or political exclusion and effortful coping, induces morbidity both directly and indirectly through unhealthy behaviors (Geronimus, 2001; Geronimus et al., 2006). Weathering is thought to be partially responsible for race disparities in metabolic illnesses such as diabetes and cardiovascular disease. Multiple studies connect extended psychosocial stress to inflammation (McDade et al., 2006; Melamed et al., 2006; Weinstein et al., 2007). Inflammation, in turn, plays a causal role in cardiovascular problems and poor blood sugar control resulting from insulin resistance (Grundy et al., 2004; Yudkin, 2003). Chronic low-grade inflammation is linked to cardiovascular disease (Danesh et al., 2000), type 2 diabetes (Pradhan et al., 2001) and metabolic syndrome (McDade and Hayward, 2009; Ridker et al., 2003). Using a nationally representative probability sample from the 2005–2006 U.S. National Social Life, Health, and Aging Project, one study found that inflammation was most consistently associated with older Black men’s greater metabolic problems, less control over blood sugar levels, and negative cardiovascular outcomes (Das, 2013). Moreover, inflammation significantly mediated men’s race disparities in metabolic states. The authors of that study argued that inflammation is an underexamined “biological gateway” through which stressors in social environments affect older Black men’s diabetic and cardiovascular outcomes. In sum, the scientific literature shows that racism creates a substantial and disproportionate burden of illness on minoritized individuals.

RACE-BASED REJECTION SENSITIVITY

Research shows not all minoritized individuals experience the same context in the same way. For example, individual differences in expectations shape how minoritized individuals interpret their environment, which in turn influences their adjustment to academia and other STEMM contexts. Some people are more sensitive to rejection based on their race, which influences their interpersonal experiences in predominantly White contexts. Research has found that college students’ expectations of race-based rejection can strain their social relationships and undermine their sense of confidence in the academic institution they are enrolled in. This has been found to result in reduced motivation to pursue personal goals among rejection-sensitive students, compared to less rejection-sensitive students who continued to persist (Mendoza-Denton et al., 2002). A later study showed that ethnic identification and race-based rejection sensitivity predicted decreased intention to persist in school among African Americans but did not predict lower grade point average (Mendoza-Denton et al., 2008). These findings demonstrate that individuals who belong to a given minoritized racial or ethnic group do not represent a monolith. There are important individual-level differences within members of a given group, and these differences can inform experiences and outcomes. Therefore, some minoritized individuals may thrive in predominately White contexts while others struggle. Additional research studying these individual-level differences is necessary and important for better understanding the discussed range of adverse cognitive, emotional, and physiological consequences.

Minoritized Individuals’ Responses to Racial Bias

The following section reviews three noteworthy ways in which minoritized individuals respond to experiences of racism. These responses can be grouped loosely into three groups: exiting the field, implementing strategies to fit in, and collectively mobilizing to transform the environment (see Figure 5-1; Brown, 1986).

FIGURE 5-1

Minoritized individuals’ responses to facing racial bias. SOURCE: Brown, 1986.

STRATEGIES FOR EXITING: DISIDENTIFICATION AND PASSING

Exiting is a common response for minoritized individuals experiencing racism in STEMM environments. Exiting generally encompasses two patterns: moving away from and often leaving the field (disidentification) and moving away from one’s ingroup (passing; Woodcock et al., 2012). National data of more than 200,000 students who started college in fall 2004 at 326 four-year institutions across the United States show that Black, Latine, and Native American students enter college with aspirations to major in STEM at levels similar to their White and Asian peers. However, their paths diverge in college. Four-year (2008) and five-year (2009) college graduation rates reveal that Black, Latine, and Native American students complete college with STEM majors at lower rates (15.9, 13.2, and 14.0% respectively) compared to their White and Asian American peers (24.5 and 32.4% respectively). These differences become more pronounced when comparing the five-year graduation rate (Higher Education Research Institute, 2010; see Chapter 3 on related data).

In an attempt to identify specific barriers responsible for persistence gaps, other research identified a few key characteristics that differentiated students who earned bachelor’s degrees in STEM fields from those who did not (American Council on Education, 2005; the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine, 2011). This research found that students who successfully completed bachelor’s degrees in STEM were more likely to: (i) enter college with rigorous high school preparation; (ii) have access to high-quality information and support related to higher education and career pathways that influenced their choice of college and navigation while in college; and (iii) have financial support that allowed them to focus on academic work without juggling long hours of paid work. In other words, high school preparation, social support, and financial capital strengthened students’ skills and persistence in STEM. Furthermore, there is evidence demonstrating that even after statistically accounting for students’ socioeconomic status and academic preparation, cultural experiences in college influenced STEM students’ performance, engagement, and persistence (Chang et al., 2011). Therefore, the nature of the context is another critical factor, and environments that fail to affirm inclusion may result in individuals implementing exiting strategies. These strategies are discussed next.

Disidentification is one exiting strategy that minoritized individuals may use to deal with persistent social identity threat and belonging uncertainty. Disidentification is the process of becoming less invested in, or the long-term abandoning of, a formerly valued activity, interest, or social identity. Consequently, individuals may disidentify from their STEMM degree or profession, which places minoritized individuals at risk of leaving the field of STEMM (Woodcock et al., 2012).

Ironically, the more a person’s sense of self is contingent upon doing well in a particular domain, the more vulnerable they are to social identity threat because of the worry that their underperformance or failure may prove the stereotype true in others’ eyes. Disidentification creates distance between the self and a domain that includes sets of specific stereotypes (e.g., STEMM), and thus is one way that minoritized individuals can mitigate the effects of social identity threat (Major and Schmader, 1998). While disidentifying from the field is an individual-level strategy implemented by minoritized individuals in the face of racism, larger racist systemic-level barriers can continue to remain in place even after the person exits, if no top-down changes are made (see Chapter 8). Research shows that disidentification is more likely to happen in early stages of academic or professional development, such as when individuals in transition (e.g., college to a job), or among individuals who are new to the environment (Callagher et al., 2021).

Consider Black, Indigenous, and Latine students at predominantly White universities or girls and women in science and engineering, where their ingroup is numerically underrepresented. Research has found there is a substantial number of high-performing individuals who are exiting their field or taking a different academic or professional path (Ceci and Williams, 2010; Ceci et al., 2009; McArdle, 2008; Pinker, 2008; Rosenbloom et al., 2008). While it may appear that the choice to leave or opt for a different path appears to be made freely, there is a body of research demonstrating that these critical decisions are in fact shaped by stereotypes. These stereotypes inform ideas about who is likely to succeed or fail and who belongs in a given environment (Cheryan et al., 2009; Logel et al., 2009; Settles, 2004; Spencer et al., 1999; Steele et al., 2002; Stout et al., 2011; von Hippel et al., 2011; Walton and Cohen, 2007, 2011; Woodcock et al., 2012). For example, a three-year longitudinal study of African American and Hispanic/Latine undergraduate students in STEM majors showed that experiences of stereotype threat were associated with scientific disidentification, which in turn predicted a significant decline in the intention to pursue a scientific career (Woodcock et al., 2012). This effect was stronger for Hispanic/Latine students than African American students. Other research found that African Americans experiencing stereotype threat disengaged from academics in response to negative performance feedback (Nussbaum and Steele, 2007).

Passing—psychologically distancing oneself from one’s ascribed social ingroup—is another type of exiting. Passing is only possible if a person can conceal their disadvantaged group membership, which may be the case for individuals from poor or working-class origins, individuals who are lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender, and Black, Indigenous, and Latine people with light skin color who can pass as White. This is a form of exiting as well, wherein an individual “exits” their own social identity and no longer thinks of themselves as a member of the racial or ethnic group (Brown, 1986). There is a small set of contemporary research on passing among minoritized individuals, particularly in the context of STEMM (McGee, 2016; Ong, 2005). Additional research is necessary to better understand this phenomenon.

STRATEGIES FOR FITTING IN AND SURVIVING: GRIT, RESILIENCE, AND CODESWITCHING

Grit and resilience are related concepts that describe how minoritized individuals might try to fit in and survive in achievement-oriented environments, such as STEMM. Grit is an individual trait that reflects a single-minded pursuit of long-term goals regardless of setbacks (Duckworth et al., 2007). Studies show that grit is significantly associated with improved academic performance (Christopoulou et al., 2018).

Resilience is defined as a healthy and adaptive functioning following adverse events (Southwick et al., 2014). It is an individual’s ability to bounce back or overcome difficult stressors and adversity (Masten and Narayan, 2012). Resilience is sometimes conceptualized as an individual-level trait (Debb et al., 2018) and at other times as a process of adaptation or having a better-than-expected outcome (Southwick et al., 2014). Research shows that increased trait resilience is associated with higher levels of subjective well-being and increased optimism and life satisfaction among African Americans college students (Utsey et al., 2008). Other research, viewing resilience as an ongoing process, identified several predictors associated with the process of becoming more resilient (Johnson, 2011). These include: (i) participating in learning communities with peers who share one’s racial or ethnic identity (Leyva, 2021); (ii) participating in STEMM pipeline programs (e.g., Lane and Id-Deen, 2020); (iii) connecting with social support structures, community, and family (e.g., Fernández et al., 2021; Pumaccahua and Rogers, 2022; Rincón et al., 2020); (iv) having opportunities to giving back to communities (Page-Reeves et al., 2019; Rincón and Rodriguez, 2021); (v) affirming one’s racial identity (e.g., Morton and Parsons, 2018; Sparks et al., 2021) including language heritage (Stevenson et al., 2019); (vi) engaging in self-renewal activities and religiosity (e.g., meditation; Gazley and Campbell, 2020); and (vii) integrating multiple identities (Ross et al., 2021).

There is critical literature examining resilience in STEMM among minoritized individuals (Gonzalez et al., 2021). For example, one recent study explored the factors that allow Black women to be successful and thrive in engineering professions. Interviews with a sample of Black women engineers who had at least 10 years of work experience in industry showed that the integration of race, gender, and role identities fostered resilient engineering identities (Ross et al., 2021). Similarly, longitudinal research shows that Native scholars who have STEMM mentors with knowledge of Native culture are more likely to endorse STEMM values and persist in STEMM (Estrada et al., 2022).

Like exiting, grit and resilience are individual-level forms of coping where individuals carve out their own path despite the existence of structural barriers. An overreliance on individuals’ resilience to “make it” in STEMM ignores the need for a critical examination of structural barriers in STEMM institutions (McGee and Bentley, 2017; Morton and Nkrumah, 2021) that contribute to the persistence of underrepresentation and exclusion of minoritized individuals, as well as the need to change them. Structural changes in STEMM cultures to promote antiracism, diversity, equity, and inclusion will require more than the advocacy and actions of minoritized individuals with grit or resilience (see Chapter 8 for more).

Codeswitching is another way that people from minoritized groups adapt to a predominantly White context and culture temporarily. Codeswitching is a context-dependent impression management strategy where minoritized individuals adjust their self-presentation in predominantly White contexts to fit in and be accepted by mirroring the White majority (McCluney et al., 2021). This occurs through mirroring norms, attributes, and behaviors. Recent codeswitching research shows how minoritized employees may navigate predominately White contexts by dressing differently, changing their speaking style, adopting specific hobbies, and adopting specific topics of conversation (Boulton, 2016; Koch et al., 2001; McCluney et al., 2021). Through codeswitching, a person acculturates to a predominantly White culture while in the company of White people and switches back to a different, more authentic, self-presentation in nonWhite environments. For instance, a Black emergency medical doctor from California indicated having to become more familiar with ice hockey and the National Hockey League games because that was a popular topic of conversation among his mostly White work colleagues; however, when interacting with another minoritized surgeon, that individual felt freer to discuss “making it” and facing discrimination in medicine as a person with dreadlocks (Brown, 2021).

One form of codeswitching among Black individuals involves changing hairstyles or chemically altering one’s natural hair to fit into the White norms and rules that define professional appearance in predominately White contexts, including STEMM (Bryant, 2013; Dawson et al., 2019; Donahoo, 2022; Ferguson and Dougherty, 2021; Johnson and Bankhead, 2014; Opie and Phillips, 2015). Codeswitching may be a double-edged sword. One the one hand, there is evidence demonstrating it is associated with increased perceptions of professionalism (McCluney et al., 2021). On the other hand, it reaffirms the expectation that White norms and appearances are the default (McCluney et al., 2019; Opie and Phillips, 2015; Ray, 2019; Rabelo et al., 2021), and it may undermine feelings of authenticity (McCluney et al., 2019). Moreover, minoritized individuals may feel pressured to codeswitch because of psychological penalties for not doing so (Brown, 2021; Dickens and Chavez, 2018; McCluney et al., 2021; Morales et al., 2021).

COLLECTIVELY MOBILIZING TO TRANSFORM THE DOMINANT STEMM CULTURE

Historically, programs to address the numeric underrepresentation of systemically minoritized groups in STEMM have focused on “fixing” individuals—e.g., improving scholastic performance, increasing interest, providing research experiences (Asai, 2020). However, solely relying on this “deficit-based framework” may lead to the assumption that the cause of the problem is the character of minoritized individuals rather than the persistence of structural barriers (e.g., Coleman and Davis, 2020; Rocha et al., 2022). It also creates the false impression that minoritized individuals are passive. Shifting to an “asset-based” framework (Denton et al., 2020) identifies the strengths, social, and cultural capital among minoritized individuals and returns power to these individuals to counter structural racism; thus, such a shift may prove beneficial (Yosso, 2005). Research on validation theory has demonstrated positive effects on student persistence when educators take an asset-based approach by valuing students’ strengths and celebrating inclusion (Barnett, 2011; Linares and Muñoz, 2011).

Despite being numerically underrepresented, minoritized students and faculty in STEMM have been active in building welcoming, affinity-based professional communities, both virtual and in-person, to strengthen their sense of belonging, provide support, expand networks, and grow the next generation in STEMM. For example, the Society for Chicanos, Hispanics, and Native Americans in Science (established in 1973; SACNAS, n.d.), the National Society for Black Engineers (established in 1975; NSBE, n.d.), and the American Indian Science and Engineering Society (established in 1977; AISES, 2021) are some of the first professional societies to address the paucity of people from minoritized groups in various STEMM disciplines. These pioneer organizations—which typically work as membership societies, with dues, student chapters, and annual in-person conferences—provide refuge, support, mentorship, professional development, and ingroup role models for emerging scholars (Martin et al., 2016; Ondrechen, 2014; Ross and McGrade, 2016). Qualitative research showed that after attending a SACNAS research conference, students reported increased motivation and networking (Perez and Robnett, 2014). Other research on the impact of SACNAS local chapters showed that Iowa State University students in STEM advanced their careers through attending regular chapter meetings, workshops, seminars on campus, frequently communicating opportunities from the national SACNAS office, and attending the annual national conference (Flores et al., 2018).

Recently, affinity-based communities have sought to use the internet, social media, and social networking platforms to connect minoritized people across geographical distances and surmount the isolation often faced in STEMM. For example, the nonprofit Ciencia Puerto Rico (CienciaPR) was launched in 2006 through a social networking website with the goal of creating a critical mass of scientists from the Puerto Rican community (Guerrero-Medina et al., 2013). In addition to promoting access to information about scientific training pathways and careers, CienciaPR uses its website and social media platforms to counter the negative effects of minoritization in STEMM, challenge the mainstream White-centric narrative by celebrating and affirming Puerto Rican cultural identity in science, and create opportunities for engagement of Puerto Rican members of the STEMM community. Through collaborations with various media outlets, the organization promotes culturally relevant science communication in both Spanish and English that highlights the contributions of Puerto Rican scientists and scientists affiliated with Puerto Rican community and locates scientific advances and information in the context of the lives of Puerto Ricans (Guerrero-Medina et al., 2013). Many of CienciaPR’s programs are designed to enable its community of more than 15,000 scientists to influence their environments through knowledge and leadership (Colón, 2015; González-Espada et al., 2015). These programs resulted in an engaged community that mobilized following the 2017 Hurricanes Irma and María, as well as during the COVID-19 pandemic (Forman, 2020; Lynn, 2018; MacArthur et al., 2020; Nirmal, 2021).

The number of identity-based organizations and movements has increased in recent years thanks to social media and as a result of large-scale conversations on racism in society (see Box 5-1). Other organizations, such as LatinXinBME, have leveraged new platforms and tools such as Slack and Twitter to overcome geographical divides and isolation in predominantly White contexts. Using Slack has allowed LatinXinBME to create conversation channels centered around specific topics, centralize information relevant to the community, initiate private messages between members, and engage members across time zones. Among the most popular topics are making career connections, mentoring, mental health, and issues of particular concern to Latine communities, such as immigration (Aguado and Porras, 2020).

BOX 5-1

Finding Community on Social Media.

Minoritized scientists and health professionals have also recently started mobilizing to examine how the nation teaches STEMM disciplines and to call for the incorporation of antiracism, diversity, equity, and inclusion into the curriculum.¹ For example, an effort to transform STEMM emerged among Indigenous scholars who noted that there was a disconnect between Western practices of STEMM education and Indigenous ways of knowing and that this dissonance prevented their matriculation into these majors (e.g., Chow-Garcia, 2016; Lee Bitsoi and Lowe, 2018; Smith et al., 2014; see Chapter 4 for more on Indigenous ways of knowing). Instead of advising students to change and comply with Western practices, Indigenous scholars advocate to create more integrated approaches to STEMM that emphasize the central premise of Indigenous knowledge, which is that all things are connected (Deloria, 1992). Specifically, some scholars have worked to “find a pedagogy of holism combining the best of both” to assist in building capacity (Marker, 2015, p. 3). One group, for example, describe how Indigenous knowledge regarding medicine, technology, math, and anatomy, passing orally across hundreds or even thousands of years, can advance STEMM knowledge pursued by the West (Lee Bitsoi and Lowe, 2018). The process of combining involves assessing assumptions, structures, and practices of STEMM. The broadening of STEMM to involve Indigenous students, employees, and local tribal members in the development of these processes is critical to shifting the historical paradigms of these fields, resulting in STEMM fields that broaden to incorporate culturally diverse learners.

Furthermore, there have been other recent efforts to transform academic institutions. For instance, minoritized scientists, medical students, and professionals have advocated for change in the form of returning ancestral remains to Indigenous communities (Gulliford, 1996). Others have worked to acknowledge unethical research with Black and Indigenous people. Some individuals have focused on teaching about the history of discrimination against many different peoples in the history of science and medicine in the United States. This has taken many forms, including organizing town halls, teach-ins, op-eds, reading groups, and other initiatives to help STEMM faculty and other members of the scientific community broaden their understanding of the causes and consequences of racism in their respective disciplines (Adelekun et al., 2019; Braun and Saunders, 2017; Hagopian et al., 2018).

CONCLUSION 5-1: There are a few noteworthy ways to describe how people from historically and systemically minoritized groups respond to racism in science, technology, engineering, mathematics, and medicine (STEMM) environments, including other professional spaces. These responses can be loosely grouped as follows: exiting the field, implementing strategies to fit in, and collectively mobilizing to transform the STEMM environment.

HOW STEMM PROFESSIONALS CAN HELP

In this final section of the chapter, the committee explores specific steps that individuals might take to help promote inclusion through the design of STEMM environments. These steps are grouped into three broad categories: signal inclusion through numeric representation and spatial design of local environments; build peer relationships and community for minoritized groups; and create access to high-status relationships.

This section and the recommended actions center around Stereotype Inoculation Model, which holds that “social vaccines” can protect one’s mind against noxious stereotypes, analogous to biomedical vaccines that protect and inoculate one’s physical body against noxious bacteria and viruses (Dasgupta, 2011; Stout et al., 2011; Thiem and Dasgupta, 2022). The committee’s approach is motivated by a growing body of research that demonstrates that when local STEMM cultures are redesigned to foster social connections among minoritized individuals, increase exposure to experts from minoritized groups, and link STEMM with communal values, these cultural cues act as social vaccines. Specifically, they increase minoritized individuals’ sense of belonging in STEMM, protect against negative stereotypes, and preserve their self-efficacy, motivation, and persistence in STEMM (Dasgupta, 2011; Dennehy and Dasgupta, 2017; Estrada et al., 2021; Thiem and Dasgupta, 2022; Wu et al., 2022). This section relies on research on minoritized individuals’ experiences in early training and career stages. However, research on minoritized individuals in middle- and late-stage of their careers is still scarce, and more is needed (see Chapter 9 for the research agenda).

SIGNAL INCLUSION THROUGH NUMERIC REPRESENTATION AND SPATIAL DESIGN OF LOCAL ENVIRONMENTS

BUILD PEER RELATIONSHIPS AND COMMUNITY FOR MINORITIZED GROUPS

CREATE ACCESS TO HIGH-STATUS RELATIONSHIPS

Because of long-standing barriers, students from minoritized groups may be unable to cultivate meaningful relationships with people in higher-status roles, such as managers, professors, and other organizational leaders. These relationships are critical for opening doors to important opportunities for students, such as internship positions, career advice, and future letters of recommendation (e.g., Castilla et al., 2013a,b). For example, many working-class students who are the first in their families to attend college and do not have parents helping them navigate college life may not recognize the importance of forming these relationships or may not know how to cultivate them (Collier and Morgan, 2008; Jack, 2016). Even students who do understand the importance of faculty relationships may feel uncomfortable and self-conscious approaching high-status people they do not know out of a fear that doing so will make them be perceived as a “suck-up” (Collier and Morgan, 2008; Jack, 2016). Consequently, students, including minoritized students, often avoid approaching faculty members.

ORGANIZATION OF THE RECOMMENDATIONS

This concluding section offers recommendations aligned with the core areas of empirical research discussed in the chapter. Specifically, Recommendation 5-1 corresponds to signaling inclusion through numeric representation and spatial design of local environments. Recommendation 5-2 corresponds to building peer relationships and community for minoritized groups. Recommendation 5-3 corresponds to creating access to high-status relationships. Recommendation 5-4 corresponds to additional strategies that are centered on fostering connections, emphasizing communal values, affirming kindness cues, and increasing an overall sense of belonging. The final, Recommendation 5-5, is centered on continuing research experience curriculum-based initiatives.

RECOMMENDATION 5-1: Leaders and gatekeepers of science, technology, engineering, mathematics, and medicine (STEMM) organizations, higher education, and human resource offices can improve minoritized people’s individual and interpersonal experiences in STEMM educational and professional environments through the following practices:

1.

Improve numerical diversity through the admission, hiring, and inclusion of minoritized individuals at all levels of an organization:

a.

Establish information systems across institutions using common metrics for comparison purposes to collect data, track success, and identify areas of numeric disparities. Results should be transparent, up-to-date, and accurate.

b.

Hire more minoritized individuals, especially in positions where minoritized role models are often missing (e.g., leadership, mentorship), with the aim of building a critical mass.

c.

Determine if the institutional diversity statement reflects the reality of the institutional environment, and directly address discrepancies.

d.

Adapt curriculum, physical environment, media stories, and other content to incorporate more examples of minoritized role models.

RECOMMENDATION 5-2: Leaders and gatekeepers of science, technology, engineering, mathematics, and medicine (STEMM) organizations, higher education, and human resource offices can improve minoritized people’s individual and interpersonal experiences in STEMM educational and professional environments through the following practices:

1.

Create and provide continued investment in evidence-based programs that connect minoritized individuals to ingroup peers, institutional resources, and professional networks. These investments require significant expertise in their designs and execution, and they may not yield immediate results; however, they can increase a sense of welcome and belonging through the ability to connect with individuals from similar racial and ethnic backgrounds. Types of programs may include the following types of resources:

a.

Summer bridge programs.

b.

Living-learning communities.

c.

Peer and near-peer mentorship programs.

d.

Active work to form relationships with national-level affinity societies (e.g., Society for the Advancement of Chicanos and Native Americans in STEM, National Society for Black Engineers, American Indian Science and Engineering Society, etc.), create local chapters, and provide opportunities for minoritized individuals to connect with them.

RECOMMENDATION 5-3: Leaders and gatekeepers of science, technology, engineering, mathematics, and medicine (STEMM) organizations, higher education, and human resource offices can improve minoritized people’s individual and interpersonal experiences in STEMM educational and professional environments through the following practices:

1.

Create and provide continued investment in programs that facilitate working relationships between minoritized individuals and high-status professionals:

a.

Create and invest in mentorship programs, while hiring more minoritized faculty.

b.

Conduct additional research examining the roles of other high-status individuals such as champions and sponsors on fostering STEMM careers for minoritized individuals.

RECOMMENDATION 5-4: Leaders and gatekeepers of science, technology, engineering, mathematics, and medicine (STEMM) organizations, higher education, and human resource offices can improve minoritized people’s individual and interpersonal experiences in STEMM educational and professional environments through the following practices:

1.

Develop interpersonal environments and institutional norms that promote inclusion, dignity, belonging, and affirmations of kindness:

a.

Actively recognize minoritized individuals’ contributions to STEMM across multiple mediums such as portraits, media stories, awards, etc.

b.

De-center White professional norms in culture, dress, and appearance.

c.

Conduct additional research examining which features of the physical environment are most likely to promote sustainable antiracism, diversity, equity, and inclusion in STEMM.

d.

Emphasize and recognize the importance of communal values in STEMM work.

e.

Redesign STEMM curriculum to incorporate Indigenous ways of knowing, and actively involve Indigenous communities in the development of this process.

f.

Create cultural norms that communicate the strengths and struggles of minoritized groups.

g.

Provide access to culturally responsive mental health providers or resources with experience in addressing racial stress, trauma, and aggressions for minoritized individuals who have experienced distress and would like to pursue these options.

h.

Conduct biannual “cultural audits” to determine if the institution is fostering an environment of inclusion.

RECOMMENDATION 5-5: Leaders and gatekeepers of science, technology, engineering, mathematics, and medicine (STEMM) organizations, higher education, and human resource offices can improve minoritized people’s individual and interpersonal experiences in STEMM educational and professional environments through the following practices:

1.

Use evidence-based design and implementation practices to build curriculum initiatives that increase access to discovery, including, for example, course-based research experiences.

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